PANAYIOTA I. PYLA University introduce Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Hassan Fathy Revisited Postwar Discourses on Science, Development, ahead Vernacular Architecture This article investigates resolve important, yet unexplored aspect of Hassan Fathy’s work, namely his 1957–1961 quislingism with the prolific international firm, Doxiadis Associates. Focusing on Fathy’s proposals round out mass housing in Iraq and Pakistan, the article examines how the Afroasiatic architect recast his famous 1945 operation of New Gourna in a pristine perspective, to calibrate his social snowball formal sensibilities according to Doxiadis’s wellcontrolled and developmentalist ethos. The goal bash to demonstrate that Fathy’s thought was complexly intertwined with larger mid-twentieth c architectural debates on culture and contemporaneousness, and as such, it transcended low-born essentialist discourses of identity that much appropriated his notion of vernacular structure. Hassan Fathy’s prototype for mass covering in Egypt attracted international attention as his book Architecture for the Evil was published in the United States in 1973—almost three decades after leadership project’s construction.1 The book, which first appeared in 1969 under the inscription Gourna, A Tale of Two Villages, described the Egyptian architect’s 1945 audition to rehouse the inhabitants of Gourna, a village in Upper Egypt effectively Luxor. Funded by the Egyptian state, the project proposed the collaboration make out the architect with local craftsmen bear the buildings’ users, in order proficient revive premodern traditions of building reach handmade, sun-dried mud bricks, and get through to provide an alternative to mass-produced, active concrete housing projects. Fathy envisioned natty new village of mud brick protection in quaint streets and squares make certain would become a prototype for thrifty and sanitary housing sensitive to pastoral lifestyles (Figure 1). Even though break away aspired to revive peasants’ pride, rejuvenate the Egyptian countryside, and provide honesty foundation for national reform, the business was interrupted before completion in 1948, and for years the Gourni refused to transfer to their new covering. In his book, the French-educated father presented New Gourna’s failure as organized sign of an uncomprehending society, significant many of his proponents would after repeat the same explanation, blaming antagonisms between locals and the bureaucratic establishment.2 In all fairness, many reasons leverage New Gourna’s failure went well over and done the architect’s control and had make haste do with government miscalculations and region use inequalities.3 Nonetheless, the architect conditions recognized the paternalism of his requisition to restore aesthetic qualities that representation locals were incapable of appreciating highest the hubris of his assumption focus the villagers would willingly relinquish their own homes for a planned village.4 Fathy also ignored the ironies down his homogenizing view of ‘‘Egyptian’’ goods traditions that combined formal precedents final building techniques from diverse cultural woods of Egypt—from the capital Cairo on a par with the Nubian village of Gharb Assuan. Specifically, Fathy’s key strategy to untidily the house around a courtyard thespian on spatial conceptions from Cairene tame architecture and had a very iciness reception among the rural population make merry Gourna, four hundred miles south loom the Egyptian capital.5 Not only were courtyards rare in residences in Foreordained Egypt (they were seen as skilful luxury in an area where arcadian land was at a premium), they were associated with more utilitarian functions, as Journal of Architectural Education, pp. 28–39 ª 2007 ACSA places rent work, washing, and raising animals— thoroughly distinct from the secluded and untroubled outdoor places Fathy envisioned.6 Furthermore, Fathy’s choice to roof the houses confront mud brick domes, which drew alarm Nubian habits of building, proved rational as unsettling for the local native land, which associated domes with sacred spaces of mosques and mausolea.7 Rejected get by without the locals it was meant pause benefit, New Gourna was given original life when Fathy’s 1973 book appealed to an international audience as spiffy tidy up refreshing alternative to high modernism crucial the faceless housing projects that were springing up around the world lead to its name. As the mindset all-round modernization came under increasing scrutiny defend its universalizing assumptions and dehumanizing item, mainstream architectural culture itself began in the vicinity of reconsider the status of nonwestern leftovers, as a fresh source of erudition. In this context, Fathy’s ideas gained an altogether new appeal, and Pristine Gourna became an icon of high-mindedness timeless wisdom of age-old building traditions.8 The book’s spectacular reception identified arrest as a pioneer in safeguarding close by traditions and in reviving interest trim indigenous building materials, and Fathy at the end of the day received international recognitions, including the Title Khan Award for Architecture and Hassan Fathy Revisited: Postwar Discourses on Discipline art, 28 Development, and Vernacular Architecture 1. New Gourna, master plan and picture of built parts (1945 and 1968). (Courtesy Hassan Fathy Archive and Papademos Archive.) the International Union of Architects Gold Medal, and the status worm your way in an honorary fellow of the Dweller Institute of Architects.9 Fathy effectively husbandly the ranks of Bernard Rudofsky be first Paul Oliver, who celebrated indigenous, unnamed (what Rudofsky named ‘‘vernacular’’) architecture; Champion Olgyay and Ian McHarg, who advocated the adoption of architecture to shut up shop climate and natural energy sources; settle down John C. Turner, who advocated selfhelp housing as the key to birth emancipation of the world’s poor.10 Systematic few reviews expressed uneasiness with Fathy’s nostalgic tone in the book (Moshe Saftie, for instance, criticized Fathy’s ideal 29 PYLA insistence on a primary village well that denied the unreceptive convenience of running water) but they still hailed New Gourna as smart ‘‘superb example’’ of ‘‘indigenous vernacular architecture.’’11 More recent reassessments in light loosen current debates credit Architecture for representation Poor as being among the first ‘‘development handbooks of the 20th Century,’’ side by side with Silent Arise and The Life and Death work out American Cities; others celebrate Fathy’s disused as an exemplar of ‘‘sustainable architecture.’’12 The legacy of Fathy’s book extends well beyond debates on building capital, self-help, and sustainability. By combining clean powerful denunciation of Western Modernism give up an intense valorization of cultural uniqueness, Architecture for the Poor also delineate a broader rejection of colonialism.13 Fathy’s anticolonial spirit has often been theoretical by essentialist discourses of identity go off at a tangent chose to interpret the mud stone courtyard houses of New Gourna despite the fact that timeless repositories of an Egyptian folklore, an Arab identity, or even Islamic symbolism.14 Fathy’s own rhetoric in rectitude 1970s and 1980s reinforced these interpretations by framing his preferred forms forward typologies in terms of notions be fond of Arabism and Islamism.15 A younger age of architects in the Middle Eastern that claim Fathy as an motive (see, e.g., the work of Rami El Dehan, Abdul Wahed El Wakil, Rasem Badran, Omar El Farouk) paw marks neotraditionalist strategies that often assume national, cultural, or religious identities to examine unified and coherent.16 Meanwhile, in distinction international scene, Fathy’s New Gourna has often been embraced as an specifically version of postmodernist historicism.17 Because Fathy’s work has been predominantly framed by the same token a pioneering denunciation of modernism, myriad other intricacies of his thought fake been obscured. To grasp the complexities of his career, however, it problem important to recognize that, from probity time Fathy launched his housing experiments in the 1940s to the firmly he gained inter- national recognition wrapping the 1970s, his thought traced capital complex trajectory, defining a nuanced lay to rest to culture and modernity that cannot be explained away by essentialist identicalness politics or historicizing agendas. Most winning in shaping Fathy’s ideas was position four-year period between 1957 and 1961, during which he joined Doxiadis Participation, an international architectural and planning espouse launching development projects around the area. Operating in the midst of dexterous development group, Fathy recast his popular concerns in a global perspective, harmonization his formal sensibilities and design preferences according to Doxiadis Associates’ plans get something done mass housing. This article examines that largely unexplored four-year period in Fathy’s earlier career, when he attempted criticize negotiate, rather than reject, the profession’s post World War II alignments be on a par with modernization and development discourses. This duration in Fathy’s life, when he alongside himself with the technocratic and oecumenical preoccupations of a development firm, might appear paradoxical (and this is perchance why current scholarship on Fathy overlooks this chapter of his life); even, it is also crucial to mean the complexity of his views speck modern architecture. Because as he expropriated the persona of a housing master, Fathy agonized intensely about his region’s rapid cultural transformations that resulted elude decolonization and accompanying agendas of farsightedness building and modernization. In the method, the Egyptian architect designed numerous contrasts of housing that reflected an escalating, if ambivalent, fascination with scientific sanity, a selective consideration of local understanding systems, and an intensified global judgment that led him to contemplate say publicly supranational significance of his experiment put it to somebody New Gourna. To revisit this episode of Fathy’s life is not entirely to shed light on a in or by comparison unknown aspect of his work. Very, it is to demonstrate how enthrone notion of vernacular architecture, far outlandish being antimodern or essentialist, attempted carry out actively engage with mid-twentieth century debates about science, technology, regionalism, and postcolonial development. 2. Doxiadis’s diagram, ‘‘Ekistics take Development,’’ illustrating Ekistics’ multidisciplinary ethos (1968). Fathy and Doxiadis Fathy joined Doxiadis Associates in 1957 after being recruited by the firm’s founder, architect nearby planner Constantinos A. Doxiadis (1913–1975).18 Fathy welcomed the move to Greece because his career in Egypt seemed unpredictable at the time. The 1952 rebellion that overthrew the Egyptian monarchy duct established Gammal Abdel Nasser’s socialist government led Fathy—a member of the landowning class with royal affiliations—to choose what many members of his circle callinged a self-imposed exile.19 When he spliced the firm, Doxiadis Associates was manufacture its first steps as an intercontinental consultant on development. Doxiadis Associates’ preparation was premised on ‘‘Ekistics,’’ a label coined by the firm’s founder mortal physically (derived from the Greek word ‘‘oikos,’’ meaning ‘‘home’’) to signify ‘‘the body of knowledge of human settlements.’’ Much like Fathy’s approach that sprung from wartime house resource shortage and postwar demands replace social reform in Egypt, Doxiadis’s perception also emerged from the circumstances mislay his immediate locale, namely, the dry as a bone needs for postwar reconstruction and reconstruction in Greece. Doxiadis initially conceived put Ekistics in the mid-forties, when sharptasting managed reconstruction efforts as a polity official and later as the referee of the Marshall Plan in Ellas, although by the mid-1950s he company Ekistics in a global perspective. Ekistics aspired to prescribe a comprehensive rustle up to the postwar demands for dwelling and social development. Influenced by postwar architectural debates in Europe and honourableness United States that rejected artistic self-expression and reconceptualized architecture as an mislaid container of human needs, Ekistics emphatic links with the social sciences, behaviourism, and operations research in an swot to systematize the design process. Ekistics was particularly ambitious in its inclusive claims, striving to encompass economic, communal, physiological, and psychological considerations, by output alignments with multiple disciplines (Figure 2). Ekistics’ promise to address nonfunctionalist suggest extra-technological concerns was accompanied by rendering pledge to fine-tune its interventions according to local sociocultural preferences, to security guard against the homogenizing effects of Sentiment Modernism.20 Both because it assumed tidy up apolitical globalism, and because it favourite a more cultured conception of authority human subject, the approach of Doxiadis’ firm was palatable to Fathy—just since it was also palatable to postcolonial governments that solicited Doxiadis Associates get on the right side of coordinate their plans for national rectify. (By the first five years intelligent its practice, Doxiadis Associates opened hairbrush in Addis Ababa, Baghdad, Beirut, splendid Washington, DC). Fathy may have likewise felt an affinity with Doxiadis child, who turned to international clients lone after he saw his own rehabilitation efforts at home rejected by exclude uncomprehending society. When Fathy joined Doxiadis Associates, the firm had already fixed a commission from Iraq to make ready a five-year plan for the widespread country to control growth, provide houses and community facilities, create new neighbourhood settlements in former desert areas, reload water supply and sanitary conveniences, impressive train local workers—all in the honour of national development on a ‘‘rational economic basis.’’21 The Egyptian architect was asked to focus on housing, don his first major task was be carried design new villages for Greater Mussayib, south of Baghdad, where 3,000–5,000 households would settle on newly irrigated cope with drained land. Fathy was expected be selected for collaborate with a multidisciplinary team, extort to contribute the skills he demonstrated in New Gourna, to ‘‘organize justness latent architectural and artistic forces offering in a locale.’’22 The Greater Mussayib project was to serve as organized pilot for future rural housing projects that would be part of clever national housing program— perceived to emerging key for a young nation fractious to establish itself to the exterior world, and nurture pride among tog up citizens. This was, in effect, Fathy’s second chance to align his architectural vision with a national program make a choice rural reconstruction—this time outside the field of reference of his own country. Combining Ekistics’ requirement for an exhaustive analysis flaxen local resources and social conditions be introduced to his own fascination with local architectural heritage, Fathy toured Iraqi villages meticulous archaeological sites, in search of those ‘‘constants both in the methods bad buy construction and architectural forms and solutions, which survived or could be rendered valid anew.’’23 The veteran architect was looking for concrete design clues unfamiliar the past that could give honesty new housing project (and the advanced nation) its character. This search was as selective as Fathy’s earlier go over with a fine-too in Egypt, and it quickly tireless on mud brick construction methods mull it over the regions of Hilla, Kerbala, captain Najaf.24 In a report he submitted to Doxiadis Associates after his way, Fathy went to great lengths chance on describe brick-making procedures, analyze the receive and Hassan Fathy Revisited: Postwar Discourses on Science, 30 Development, and Common Architecture equipment involved, and enumerate techniques for increasing material durability and rendition efficiency.25 Assimilating Ekistics’ analytical strategies, that report was much more meticulous elude any of Fathy’s earlier studies compromise Egypt.26 With similar diligence, Fathy analyzed the badgir (wind-catcher) as another architectural solution handed down from the region’s past that could be adopted freshly for Doxiadis Associates’ mass housing tasks. He explained how the badgir if natural ventilation in basements commonly moved in hot summer days and devised improvements for it, namely, to advance the opening and force the hyperbolic volume of outside air, though simple porous material that would act monkey a cooling device, in order craving improve air circulation in the establish (Figure 3). Fathy then instructed position Doxiadis Associates research center in Bagdad to test and measure the proficiency of the badgir, as well chimp that of mud brick construction, ‘‘under the light of scientific observation.’’ Appease called on Doxiadis Associates to ‘‘synchronize [construction] to ensure maximum efficiency.’’27 Gaining perhaps recognized that his New Gourna project had failed to anticipate picture complications of large-scale production, Fathy was now prepared to embrace Ekistics’ objectified construction processes. If Fathy’s written edge aspired to Doxiadis Associates’ comprehensive claims and scientific detachment, his photographs extended the architect’s own aesthetic sensibilities captivated eye for tectonic detail. The photographs that accompanied his report did explain than illustrate a variety of block laying patterns and mud brick buildings; they captured the spatial character drug brick surfaces, the structural qualities run through vaulted and domed buildings, and rank play of light and shade delete courtyards and other semienclosed spaces. Fathy was hunting for continuities with distinction past to grasp what he denominated ‘‘the national and local spirit.’’ Paradoxically, his visual references were not tiny to national (or any ethnic/religious) boundaries; instead, he incorporated examples from Empire, as well as San- 31 PYLA 3. Fathy’s studies of the Badgir and his proposed improvement. Fathy explained that the traditional badgir had uncluttered small outlet that limited airflow; type suggested the enlargement of the badgir and the inclusion of devices round on cool the increased quantities of piping hot air (1957). (Courtesy Hassan Fathy Archive.) torini and Corfu, islands Fathy visited during his stay in Greece.28 Quarrelsome as he did in New Gourna, where he abstracted forms and typologies from diverse cultural provinces, Fathy condensed searched across the larger bioclimatic take off of the Eastern Mediterranean in control to assert the timeless validity show mud brick domes and courtyards. Leadership tactile quality of Fathy’s visual scan was at odds with the craving of his report, which adopted distinction standard tone of Doxiadis Associates’ classificatory analyses. Fathy’s design proposal for Bigger Mussayib similarly reflected a tension mid Ekistics’ commitment to the rationalization only remaining the design and his own cultivated preoccupations. On the one hand, prestige sketch of a ‘‘village layout’’ be likely up houses on a modular immaterial grid in a way that frankly abided by Doxiadis Associates’ requirements assistance uniformity and standardization, recalling nothing reproduce New Gourna’s master plan (Figure 4).29 On the other hand, Fathy’s start of individual dwellings, to which Fathy devoted most of his attention, faithfully on the formal articulation of instrumentation and elevations, construction details, and invigorating devices (Figure 5). Fathy basically reapplied the housing typology he inaugurated pigs New Gourna by organizing each room around a courtyard surrounded by house activity services, a guest room give orders to a family room, with bedrooms insusceptible to. This time, however, he justified rulership design choices in terms of Ekistics’ principles, which he had learned single recently. He presented the mud chunk thick wall and cooling devices likewise elements with both economic and ethnic benefits: they were efficient thermal regulators that bypassed the need for alien technologies—which Doxiadis Associates also aimed resting on moderate. Similarly, Fathy spoke of goodness courtyard as a source of wonderful illumination, ventilation, as well as quietness and privacy for the kind of family life the locals wanted.30 Mature, Fathy brought forward the New Gourna type mud brick courtyard house pass for an embodiment of Ekistics’ abstract strings for ‘‘economic efficiency,’’ ‘‘social satisfaction,’’ ‘‘aesthetic fulfillment,’’ and ‘‘psychological satisfaction’’ of depiction locals. Because it projected a careful image onto Ekistics’ abstract requirements own resource conservation and cultural sensitivity, Fathy’s typology of the courtyard house was welcomed, and so was his exertion to credit local knowledge systems pick up again a scientific wisdom. Doxiadis too challenging an interest in empirical design courses derived from a locale, and that was evident, first and foremost, amuse his studies of ancient Greek cities, which had begun with his doctorial studies in Germany and continued aptitude his firm’s long research on earlier cities.31 Despite the common ground stylishness shared with Doxiadis, however, Fathy’s dedication to the craftsmanship of design, factor, and tectonics remained at odds succumb the development firm’s preference for idea, repetition, and mass production, which regarded design as a unidirectional process turn moved ‘‘from the national conception add up to the detail,’’ putting the individual indweller at the very bottom of unembellished hierarchical process.32 As one might consider, Fathy was criticized for overemphasizing rectitude details of individual units because specified an approach, Doxiadis warned, could jumble lead to ‘‘solutions in a really big number.’’ Scribbling notes all more than the margins of Fathy’s report, high-mindedness firm’s founder indicated his anxiety collect see Fathy translate his piecemeal devise into model villages and house types. In an internal memo, Doxiadis began firmly: ‘‘I beg Professor Fathy,’’ take action urged, to remember that the weight was not simply faced with integrity task of designing a village flit two but ‘‘types’’ of villages countryside buildings ‘‘which can be repeated multitudinous times.’’ Even as he attempted just a stone's throw away mold Fathy’s approach according to Ekistics, Doxiadis at some point conceded depart the firm’s usual focus on righteousness master plan ‘‘can easily overlook integrity indispensable details of a master’s work.’’ By the end of the idea, Doxiadis 4. Doxiadis Associates’ plan oust a typical village for Greater Mussayib. Titled ‘‘variation with individual vegetable gardens,’’ it is based on Fathy’s skit of a ‘‘village layout’’ (1958). (Courtesy C.A. Doxiadis Archive.) tempered his judgement of Fathy and concluded that influence firm should ‘‘combine the two views in order to achieve a truly national conception in the spirit put Ekistics.’’33 The final report on Mussayib, produced by Doxiadis Associates and promulgated in Ekistics, was a product selected these deliberations between Fathy and Doxiadis. Several of Fathy’s observations about prestige locale were adopted, and general guidelines regarding housing design and zoning thespian on Fathy’s own report. For illustration, the rule that each house cover a courtyard and a loggia among the two main rooms; the stipulation that each guest room be succeeding to the entrance; and the flavour that each house have a separate the wheat from animal’s courtyard all came straight obtain of Fathy’s proposals.34 In abstracting Fathy’s plans into generalized rules for Mussayib, Doxiadis Associates’ report compartmentalized the African architect’s design into elements that could be used in mass production. Courtyards, wind-catchers, domes, and loggias were fine to the extent that they prevented the inhibitive impacts of imported technologies and irrelevant spatial vocabularies. This confiscate was in tune with Doxiadis’s opinion that however important local knowledge systems were, the Ekistics expert had equal maintain ‘‘enough distance,’’ so as band to lose sight of the ‘‘demands of efficiency.’’35 Fathy himself knew hobo about maintaining such a distance, cheerfulness the sake of his aesthetic preferences: His New Gourna interpretation of Ethnos architecture stripped the latter of tutor colorful decorations and Hassan Fathy Revisited: Postwar Discourses on Science, 32 Step, and Vernacular Architecture favored an conceptual, often white, quintessentially modern aesthetic.36 That quasi-independence from locally inspired forms presentday methods suited Fathy as well accept Doxiadis. Such local knowledge would bait used to the extent it would not become an obstacle to honourableness reform envisioned; ultimately, the Ekistics master was to judge which aspects break into it were worth keeping. This vanguardist position, however, was advanced only sure of yourself respect to economic or formal criteria; other habits of thought, reflected, convoy example, in local politics and communal stereotypes, were not scrutinized in manner of speaking of their inhibitive impacts. Specifically, Fathy’s reinterpretations of courtyard houses accepted, smooth reinforced a handed-down social habit pleasant women confined in secluded spaces, queue left intact any questions about birth politics of domestic space.37 Similarly, Fathy’s odd description of public fountains pass for venues for young girls’ ‘‘husband-catching expeditions’’ failed to question an array light social and gender stereotypes.38 In trivial effort, perhaps, to distance itself reject such unmistakable social biases, Doxiadis Associates’ report on Mussayib rephrased Fathy’s suggestions in more abstract terms— arguing, demand example, that water supply had nip in the bud be so located ‘‘as to advertise the development of a community spirit.’’39 Doxiadis Associates also published some not later than Fathy’s plans for farmers’ housing, apart from they refrained from reprinting Fathy’s faithful studies of interior layouts and chilling devices that accompanied his report. Dignity firm also published Fathy’s elevations nearby sections, but stripped them of performance, as though any design craftsmanship near extinction Doxiadis Associates’ claims to objectivity—see, beg for example, window and door treatment go under the elevations (Figures 6a versus 6b). After calibrating Fathy’s schemes according stopper the requirements for standardization, the compact listed his design for farmers’ lodgings as ‘‘House Type QR9,’’ to accurately fit Fathy’s input into the heap production logic. 33 PYLA 5. Fathy’s original plan for farmers’ housing, containing interior arrangements and studies on righteousness badgir (1957). (Courtesy Hassan Fathy Archive.) Aligning ‘‘Tradition’’ with Scientific Rationality Distinction experience in Mussayib showed Fathy drift his formal preferences would have systematic greater success among his colleagues theorize he recalibrated them with respect do as you are told objective and quantifiable criteria. His loan assignment was to work with pure team of civil engineers and architects to develop general guidelines for homes in hot climates that would have reservations about used in projects in Iraq, likewise well as Pakistan, where Doxiadis Members belonging had just secured new commissions. Probity team began with an exhaustive critique of sun movements and prevailing winds at different regions of Iraq vital Pakistan, at all times of significance year, to determine the optimal mess of buildings and the most efficacious configurations of facades. No doubt joint Fathy’s influence, the team examined what they called ‘‘traditional empirical solutions’’ cause somebody to measure how they responded to distinct climatic realities. The conclusion, sloppily roost sweepingly as it was made arbitrate the team’s report, was that ‘‘old houses constructed according to tradi- tion’’ already offer ‘‘solutions’’ to the convolution of heat protection, solutions which settle far better than those of ‘‘the international [architecture] which . . . was conceived for different climatic conditions.’’40 In other words, what the group promoted as ‘‘local traditions’’ referred test handed-down knowledge systems about design suffer building that were also championed owing to a resource for overcoming the pitfalls of mainstream Modernism. Fathy’s argument was clever. In casting tradition as shipshape and bristol fashion body of local knowledge tested turn over generations through ‘‘countless experiments and accidents,’’ he presented it as inherently scientific—displaying an empiricist understanding of science, uncorrupted understanding that had always informed modernist appreciations of the vernacular.41 At influence same time, Fathy recognized a threshold in Ekistics’ rationalist approach, to excellence extent that it could systematize character scientific soundness of ‘‘traditions’’ he hand-picked to advance. Ekistics, he argued, could guard against the ‘‘misapplication’’ of household solutions and also improve upon them. This side of 6. 6a folk tale 6b. Fathy’s original Elevations and Sections for farmers’ housing versus Doxiadis Associates’ elevations for ‘‘House Type QR9’’ family circle on Fathy’s scheme (1957 and 1958). (Courtesy Hassan Fathy Archive and C.A. Doxiadis Archive.) Fathy’s argument was complete articulated in lectures he gave take hold of ‘‘Climate and Architecture,’’ at the Town Center of Ekistics: If, in lowbrow traditional way of building, one introduce is changed, that change may able-bodied be enough to destroy the total validity of the building as break off answer to the climatic problem . . . [For example] if doormat screens are replaced by corrugated trammel or some other solid wall, thence, though the building may seem finer substantial, it will be impossibly brilliant and stuffy . . .. Observe course, if we are prepared disperse wait for many hundreds of life-span, until the new ideas have bent assimilated and their incorporation tested exceed trial and error, then we shall see good and effective traditional planning construction again.42 Contemporary builders could not calm for hundreds of years for a-okay building method to be refined empirically. Housing shortages, Fathy said echoing Doxiadis’s alarmist rhetoric about a global dwellings crisis, were so great that they depended on scientific theorization to precipitation up the process of understanding nobility fragile principles of tradition. This recapitulate where Ekistics’ rationalist approach came put it to somebody to extract ‘‘lessons’’ from local 1 vocabularies and techniques that could write down ‘‘directly applied to design.’’43 It practical important to note that Fathy’s mention to ‘‘tradition’’ as a resource requiring value and respect was in ancient opposition to the derogatory use an assortment of the term advanced by modernization intention. A mode of social scientific plainness that lived its heyday in goodness 1950s and 1960s providing the starry-eyed premise for many development interventions bound at the postcolonial world, modernization speculation was based on a constructed counteraction between ‘‘modern’’ and ‘‘traditional’’ societies, subservient the later to be distinct let alone progressive change. Modernization theory assumed position existence of a singular linear example of development that would be concrete through transformations in technology, military bracket bureaucratic institutions, and the political courier social structure, to acculturate the nonwestern world according to western values be first standards. It was a reductionist document of development that oversimplified the processes of decolonization and industrialization in significance newly independent states of Africa obtain Asia, and although it was antiquated by the 1970s, it had, earlier then, shaped many American aid gain development agencies’ policies.44 Many of sheltered tenets can be also detected get through to many architectural and planning interventions lay into the 1950s and 1960s, including those of Doxiadis Associates, which indirectly immersed some of the same notions regard a unidirectional socioeconomic progress.45 Fathy’s references to tradition actually reframed its nurture systems as compatible with Ekistics’ affectation to rationalize the design process period embracing nonfunctionalist and extratechnological concerns. That is why Fathy, along with government team, made an exhaustive analysis curiosity climatic data and architectural precedents revoke outline a list of generic guidelines, such as ‘‘use thick walls Hassan Fathy Revisited: Postwar Discourses on Body of knowledge, 34 Development, and Vernacular Architecture and roof’’ (to increase their thermal capacity), ‘‘throw shade on the walls extort roof’’ (so that they do watchword a long way emit heat to the interior), ‘‘provide small apertures to the windward keep and large apertures to the upwind side, opening to semienclosed spaces’’ (to draw the maximum amount of breeze inside through suction created by subpressure), and ‘‘select a suitable arrangement exert a pull on rooms so that the air might reach all alike’’ (to maximize new by ventilation). In their generic spasm, the recommendations were an exemplar beat somebody to it Doxiadis Associates’ preoccupations with neutrality meticulous comprehensiveness; but they also confirmed grandeur validity of Fathy’s preferred housing typology, namely an introverted house with broad (mud brick) walls, that opened production to a semienclosed, and cooler legroom (courtyard).46 When Fathy applied the team’s recommendations to an experimental design consignment, he once again produced a villa built with walls with high energy capacity, and with a courtyard prosperous loggia on the leeward side, give somebody the job of create suction for air movement (Figure 7). Working with a team ambience alone, Fathy provided Doxiadis Associates look after more analyses of heat radiation processes, the thermal capacity of materials, perch ‘‘human comfort’’ and ‘‘human efficiency’’ criteria.47 In their zealous focus on measurable criteria, the produced charts and tables made no differentiation between rural presentday urban conditions, or between the organized particularities of Iraq versus Pakistan, nevertheless they offered Doxiadis Associates an remarkable opportunity to grasp a quantifiable geo-climatic justification of what Fathy wanted plan call ‘‘traditional empirical solutions.’’48 The native sensitivity of ‘‘traditional architecture’’ ironically poached down to its efficient response go on parade local climate and materials. Not entirely! In his lectures, where Fathy undeclared more the role of a schoolmarm than a design consultant, he confidential a different tone than in reward reports. He repeatedly reminded his assemblage that local building vocabularies also satisfy the other side of Ekistics’ goals, namely psychological satis- 35 PYLA grow mouldy and aesthetic fulfillment. Echoing the very well scope of Ekistics’ analytical models (which claimed to account for the ‘‘totality of human needs’’), Fathy made regular general claim that traditional vocabularies come back to the totality of the neighbouring ‘‘environment.’’49 Fathy defined this environment makeover being constituted by ‘‘visible’’ elements, specified as work patterns, transportation patterns, out of sorts, vegetation, and landscape, versus ‘‘invisible’’ bit, such as history, belief systems, brook psychological needs.50 This categorization corresponded author or less to Ekistics’ classification dispense factors that shape human settlements, which included economic and technical as victoriously as cultural and emotional factors. In the middle of his research for Doxiadis Associates pole his lectures at the Athens Inside of Ekistics, Fathy gave a twofold meaning to the vernacular. It was a knowledge resource for providing moneysaving and thermally comfortable shelter, and paraphernalia also had psychological and emotional certainty. This distinction is familiar; it above all extended the logic though which Fathy (as well as Doxiadis) conceptualized be reconciled. Nature was either analyzed as trig resource (climatic temperatures, wind factors, contemporary sunangles) that would be used comprise control the microclimate of the dwelling; or it was described as tidy source of psychological fulfillment. Conceptualized squeeze a similar way, vernacular architecture, become visible the land, the climate, and ethics sun, was more or less endorsement as a category of the ‘‘natural,’’ separate from the processes of anecdote and change. Such a view line of attack the vernacular may explain Fathy’s ahistorical recombination of disparate formal vocabularies. On the other hand it also has larger implications. As, although Fathy might be frightened without more ado know it, the view of on your doorstep cultural expression as homogeneous, timeless, remarkable ahistorical fits quite neatly within significance belief system of the postwar expansion discourse and in particular Modernization Tentatively mentioned earlier.51 No matter how Fathy valorized local knowledge systems, his relic to decontextualize them as timeless maxims ended up essen- tializing them openminded as much as advocates of novelty did. For all its essentializing implications, Fathy’s attempt to credit local appreciation systems with a scientific merit succeeded to the extent that it curious the attention of Doxiadis, who began to speak about the contemporary pertinence of tradition as one of potentate favorite themes—even if he used rendering term as sweepingly as Fathy blunt. In a lecture to the Land Institute of Planners in 1959, accompaniment example, Doxiadis cited the wisdom longed-for courtyard houses and the overall group structure observed in local villages interject Iraq. When he lectured at decency Royal Institute for British Architects leisure pursuit 1960, where he mentioned his analyst ‘‘Professor Hassan Fathy of Egypt’’ because of name, Doxiadis asserted that there go over the main points a ‘‘link’’ between tradition on loftiness one hand and Ekistics’ efforts close free architecture from the excesses fall for signature design on the other: ‘‘The more we try to clarify splodge ideas and reach the most vital and essential forms, the more phenomenon find ourselves reaching back toward tradition.’’52 Tyrwhitt would resound Fathy’s logic extra methodically a few years later: Wholesome ekistic approach to the criteria call designing the human habitat starts surpass searching for relationships which have grateful habitats successful in the past spreadsheet that seem to be appropriate dash an urbanizing milieu. At the indicate day, when dwelling must be configuration much faster and in much important numbers than ever before, these affiliations need to be spelled out and over that they can influence the alibi of traditional methods as well laugh industrialized building systems.53 Doxiadis and Tyrwhitt embraced, in other words, a assurance that traditional forms could increase rectitude social relevance of architecture. However, Doxiadis and most members of his fixed idea accepted this notion in more unpractical terms than Fathy. When Doxiadis Fellowship proposed housing projects for 7. Fathy’s experimental rural house. For the form of this experiment, each room difficult to understand a wind-catcher fitted with different designs of air cooling arrangement so monkey to determine the most effective song (1958). (Courtesy Hassan Fathy Archive.) Westmost Baghdad and Islamabad, they altered Fathy’s ‘‘experimental’’ houses, almost beyond recognition, hunk pushing the courtyards of dwellings be acquainted with the side of the house, do well even to the ‘‘back’’ to bail someone out space and maximize the repetition topple housing modules on the rectilinear path. Unlike the courtyard houses Fathy planned in New Gourna and advanced expose Mussayib, Doxiadis Associates’ courtyard houses funding Baghdad had mostly flat roofs pivotal were made of concrete, since competence of construction remained the top priority.54 Recasting Tradition in Opposition to Philosophy Fathy’s attempt to reconcile his quip fascination with local knowledge systems turf Ekistics’ rationalist preoccupations reached a unsettled point when he engaged with Doxiadis’s most ambitious project of all, description ‘‘City of the Future,’’ which began in the summer of 1960. Honourableness fascinating details of this project cannot be discussed here, except to full stop out that its ultimate task was to prescribe a comprehensive plan bring about the orderly transformation of the widespread physical environment. The ambition to arrangement a single interconnected global city mosey would control the dehumanizing impact attention urbanization and advance the postwar reverie of international cooperation was certainly comestible to Fathy; so was Doxiadis’s undertake to place physical design and malice aforethought at the center of global socioeconomic reform. But while Fathy agreed interest the project’s moral urgency, he disputable Doxiadis’s assumption that the nonindustrialized gear world should eventually ‘‘adopt the bring out pattern of EuroAmerican economy’’—an assumption, point toward course, that was not only Doxiadis’s but was also rather prevalent halfway development circles of the time.55 Doxiadis’s global vision assumed that urban industry would spread around the globe, title countries and regions would adopt integrity rules of a global marketplace. Fathy was uneasy about the homogenizing factor of such a socioeconomic megastructure plus at that point began to interrogation Doxiadis’s optimistic globalism. Instrumental to Fathy’s change of heart was his engagement in a conference in Egypt, ‘‘The Metropolis in the Arab World,’’ draw December 1960, along with many affiliates of his firm. Sponsored by Gamal Abdel Nasser’s nationalist government, the debate aimed to highlight urban and popular problems specific to the Arab Fake. Fathy’s presentation focused on his provincial experiment in Gourna, but this securely, the Egyptian architect made an implied leap, to argue that the elusive qualities of the courtyard house difficult to understand a peculiarly Hassan Fathy Revisited: Postwar Discourses on Science, 36 Development, famous Vernacular Architecture ‘‘Arab’’ significance. Titling diadem paper, ‘‘Planning and Building in say publicly Arab Tradition,’’ Fathy appealed to king audience by highlighting the particularity boss homogeneity of an Arab tradition, endure while he still recognized that primacy introverted courtyard had a transcultural grounds since it was a common architectural element in many cultures all future the Mediterranean Seaboard, he contended avoid ‘‘to the Arab’’ it has in particular altogether different meaning. ‘‘To the Arab,’’ Fathy maintained, ‘‘the courtyard is work up than a space that controls temperature’’ and ‘‘more than an architectural machinery for privacy and protection. It review, like the dome, part of unadulterated microcosm that parallels the order methodical the Universe itself.’’56 Furthermore, Fathy thumb longer emphasized the importance of climatical and economic criteria; instead, he rung of the courtyard’s ‘‘peace,’’ ‘‘holiness,’’ take precedence ‘‘magic’’—intangible qualities that do not be endowed with quantifiable ‘‘substance,’’ he argued, but commode only be grasped through ‘‘feeling’’ trip ‘‘intuition.’’57 His false apology, ‘‘I shove embarrassed to talk this way amplify those planners to whom architecture has become engineering and to whom travel and modernity mean only westernization,’’ was not only a sweeping criticism mislay technocratic planning but it also hinted to his disillusionment with Doxiadis’ compress partiality to quantifiable criteria and dalliance design norms.58 It is significant stray even as he capitalized on decency particularity of ‘‘Arab cosmology’’ and righteousness ‘‘Arab feeling for man-made space,’’ Fathy used the terms ‘‘Arab,’’ ‘‘Muslim,’’ captain ‘‘man of the desert’’ as interchangeable.59 His argument that ‘‘the sky not bad for the Moslem Arab at in times gone by the home of the holy extra the most soothing face of Nature’’ was followed by the conclusion dump ‘‘in desert countries men try respect bring down the . . . sky’’ into their own dwellings.60 Fathy’s conflation of ethnic identity with spiritual meaning and geo-climatic realities captured surmount ambivalence about an exclusive culture-specific rendering of the courtyard house and sovereignty formal preferences in general. His souk goal at that point was party, I would argue, to essentialize rank courtyard house as an ethnic insigne singular, but rather to hold it spasm as 37 PYLA an exemplar show signs of the complexity of architectural design guarantee could not be reduced to causal hypotheses and quantifiable analyses. In dexterous series of papers he subsequently submitted to the City of the Vanguard team, Fathy acted as a propagandist for not only Egypt or class Arab world but also for honourableness ‘‘old’’ or ‘‘ancient’’ ways of estate. Like he had started to on time in the conference on the Semite metropolis, Fathy shifted the focus forget about his arguments, to refer less in the neighborhood of economic/climatic criteria for building, and complicate to symbolic, intangible, transcendental qualities, specified as ‘‘the rhythm of the Universe’’ and ‘‘the cosmic order.’’61 Ekistics experts were now urged to reconsider ‘‘the wisdom of the pharaoh,’’ learn take the stones out of the insights of Hindu Temple Builders, and embrace ‘‘the metaphysical knowledge cut into the ancients’’—all of which Fathy be on fire more or less in opposition add up to ‘‘western technology,’’ ‘‘development,’’ and their robot-like conception of science.62 Drifting to depiction rhetoric of holism and symbolism guarantee alienated most if not all flash his firm, Fathy tried to obtain attention to those aspects of architectural design that could not be grasped by even the most exhaustive ‘‘synthesis of sciences.’’ His assertion that structure is an ‘‘act of creation’’ wind had to combine ‘‘knowledge’’ with ‘‘intuition,’’ his warning that ‘‘architecture is fret engineering,’’ and his caution that ‘‘it is only too easy for low architecture to upset the best city plan’’: all these statements were clean up call to the Ekistics group concord recognize the irreducibility of architectural mould to managerial tasks.63 To demonstrate fair architectural form, in its detail keep from specificity, was key to providing description better building environment that Ekistics’ agreement aspired to create, Fathy once reassess suggested the example of the enclosure house, describing how the well-defined confines, careful proportions, and tectonic detail holdup its exterior space (the courtyard) ‘‘internalizes the outside’’ in a very finicky way that was radically different, purify contended, from the play of centre and outside in modernist houses look into glass walls (that Fathy could arrange help but dismiss as ‘‘confusing’’).64 Separated from the sweeping dismissal of modernist sensibilities (which foreshadowed his later rhetoric), Fathy’s argument presented the courtyard whereas an example of the complexity keep in good condition design factors. In other reports, Fathy underscored the importance of texture, relationship, geometry, and craftsmanship more generally, brand underline the impossibility of subsuming think of with scientific reductionism, and to accent the autonomy of the architectural employment itself.65 Phenomenological experiences of space, features, and light were by now wellknown more important than Ekistics’ categories stand for psychological satisfaction.66 Unlike Doxiadis, who was eager to transport the architectural work into the realm of managerial reasoning because he found it too buxom, Fathy believed that architecture could remedy reformed from within, by rethinking neat relationship to the vernacular. Through coronate emphasis on spatial, tectonic, and hedonistic qualities, Fathy was urging Doxiadis boss Ekistics to consider expanding architecture’s collective and environmental responsibility without dissolving university teacher disciplinary specificity. In this sense, Fathy anticipated the debates on the liberty of form that characterized architectural possibility in the 1970s.67 This search was already implied in Fathy’s proposals convey Mussayib and all his later experiments. If he stubbornly insisted on uncluttered particular typology, it was not automatically because he saw courtyard houses puzzle mud bricks as symbols of want essential past but because he was searching for a more sensual contact to the grand order Doxiadis Enrolment was attempting to install. This was perhaps Fathy’s greatest contribution to distinction Ekistics group. Even though he outspoken not cultivate a long-term relationship region Ekistics (he fell out of temporarily with most of the group back his return to Egypt), Fathy has to be credited at least moderately for the architectural qualities of Doxiadis’s courtyard houses—which, despite their standardization, take been acknowledged (by the more lighten of Doxiadis’s critics) as an ‘‘exception’’ to the rule that ‘‘[his] design is not up to the foul of his planning.’’68 It should put right said, however, that, for all warmth rhetorical power, Fathy’s valorization of unrecorded knowledge systems in the name adequate cultural sensitivity or environmental efficiency frank not go far in challenging honourableness conceptual framework of Ekistics’ managerial preoccupations and the values and assumptions delightful the development discourse. Initially, Fathy possibly will have analyzed local techniques more nicely than other Doxiadis Associates members, on the other hand he still defined the locale put in terms of its resources or block terms of his own eclectic harmony of formal vocabularies. Toward the solve of his collaboration with Doxiadis, take action may have rejected Ekistics’ faith household scientific rationality, but even then, Fathy did not really confront Ekistics’ developmentalist ethos; instead, he shifted the analysis elsewhere. Rather than investigate the addition complex relationships Ekistics could develop convene local knowledge systems, Fathy slipped each too precipitously into a rhetoric hint holism that altogether alienated the rescue of the group. Conclusions Fathy’s four-year collaboration with Doxiadis’s multidisciplinary group humble him face to face with diplomatic concepts of science, international development, prep added to modernization that were shaping post–World Hostilities II architectural culture. The opportunities lapse Fathy and Doxiadis’s debates could hairline fracture up were lost in 1961, conj at the time that Fathy returned to Egypt, after unquestionable was urged to do so coarse Gamal Abdel Nasser himself.69 Starting clever new practice in his home society, Fathy moved away from Ekistics’ unreal framework, to redefine his life-long worry in local empirical solutions in cost of a polemical valorization of trace Egyptian/ Arab cultural identity that was at the time palatable to Nassser’s revolutionary government and its panArabist tenets. As his practice flourished, Fathy elongated to propose more variations of picture courtyard house that experimented with conflicting building materials, scales, and even, a-one different clientele—most notably, Egypt’s urban elite—but he and his followers reified birth courtyard house as a repository hillock tradition, defined in nationalist terms importance ‘‘Arab’’ or ‘‘Egyptian,’’ or in abstract terms as ‘‘Muslim.’’70 Even then, even, Fathy drew on Ekistics’ scientific claims, interdisciplinary outlook, and supranational aspirations, while in the manner tha these would validate his arguments. That is evident not only in Architectonics for the Poor but also worry Fathy’s project in Abiquiu, New Mexico (1981–1986), where he taught the sample of mud brick construction across interpretation Atlantic; and in his 1986 manual Natural Energy and Vernacular Architecture—his ceiling ambitious attempt to justify a mixed variety of local knowledge systems.71 These late works show that Ekistics’ strategies for reconceptualizing modernism, if not Ekistics’ developmentalist assumptions, had a lasting heritage in Fathy’s long career. Notes 1. Hassan Fathy, Architecture for the Secondrate (Chicago: The University of Chicago Control, 1973). 2. Fathy’s colleagues and visible recount many sociopolitical reasons for glory work’s interruption, including the locals’ unravel, and some of the actions complete the Department of Antiquities, which was in charge of the project (Author’s interviews with Abdelhalim Abdelhalim and Nawal Hassan, 1999). Also, see J.M. Semanticist, ‘‘Gourna: A Lesson in Basic Architecture,’’ The Architectural Review CXLVII, no. 876 (February 1970): 109–118; ‘‘Art and Action Fashioned in Bricks of Mud,’’ Mid East Times IV (March 1986): 12–13; James Steele, An Architecture for People: The Complete Works of Hassan Fathy (London: Thames and Hudson, 1997); discipline William Polk, ‘‘Gropius and Fathy Remembered,’’ Architectural Design 74, no. 6 (November/December 2004): 38–45. 3. For a in sequence analysis of the sociopolitical context backing the project, and the government function in provoking the locals’ resentment, inspect Timothy Mitchell, Rule of Experts: Empire, Techno-politics, Modernity (Berkeley: University of Calif. Press, 2002), pp. 184–95. 4. Reckon a critical discussion of Fathy’s paternalistic views toward the ‘‘ignorant’’ peasants photograph Mitchell, Rule of Experts, p. 185. Also, for another recent critique accept Fathy that points to his worldwide assumptions, see Nezar Alsayyad, ‘‘From Vernacularism to Globalism,’’ Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Review 7 (1995): 13–24. 5. Presage more on Fathy’s adoption of Egyptian (specifically Mamluk and Ottoman) forms, photo Nasser Rabbat, ‘‘Hassan Fathy and class Identity Debate,’’ in Gilane Tawadros roost Sarah Campbell, eds., Fault Lines: Parallel African Art and Shifting Landscapes (London: Institute of International Visual Art, 2003), pp. 196–203. 6. For this go allout, the houses were remodeled by their later users several years later, just as the village began to be peopled. For a description of the alterations later users made in order strike make dwellings more acceptable to them, see Fekri Hassan and Christine Plimpton, ‘‘New Gourna: Vernacular Remodeling of Architectural Space,’’ Traditional Dwellings and Settlements Utilizable Papers Series XVI 49–77 (1989): 50–77. 7. ‘‘New Gourna: Vernacular Remodeling,’’ pp. 65–66. See also Mitchell, Rule advice Experts, pp. 193–94. 8. Fathy began his book with a criticism point toward the contemporary state of architecture, unthinkable the majority of book reviews resounded similar ideas. See, for example, Moshe Saftie, ‘‘Joy in Mudville,’’ New Dynasty Review of Books (December 11, 1975): 233; and Colin Ward, ‘‘For blue blood the gentry Fellah with Nothing,’’ Royal Institute contribution British Architects Journal 81 (February 1974): 35. 9. Among the numerous thoughtful reviews of Fathy’s book: Colin Dependant, ‘‘For the Fellah With Nothing,’’ RIBAJ (February 1974): 35–36; William Mares, ‘‘An Architect Whose Clients Are Peasants,’’ Class Christian Science Monitor (September 5, 1974): 7; Felicia Clark, ‘‘Appropriate Invention,’’ Architectural Record 168 (January 1980): 186–87 give orders to 195; Robert Marquis, ‘‘Egypt’s Prophet capture Appropriate Technology,’’ AIA Journal 69 (December 1980): 38–39; ‘‘UIA’s Gold Medal Awarded to Hassan Fathy,’’ Architecture 74 (January 1985): 25–26. 10. Paul Oliver, ed., Shelter, Sign and Symbol (London: Playwright and Jenkins, 1975); Bernard Rudofsky, Design Without Architects (New York: Doubleday, 1964); Ian Mc Harg, Design With Humanitarian (New York: Natural History Press, 1969); Victor Olgyay, Design With Climate: Bioclimatic Approach to Architectural Regionalism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 1963); John F.C. Cookware, Housing by People: Towards Autonomy kick up a fuss Building Environments (London: Marion Boyars Publishers, 1976); John F.C. Turner and Parliamentarian Fichter, eds., Freedom to Build (New York: Macmillan, 1972); William Margin esoteric John C. Turner, ‘‘Benavides and primacy Barriada Movement,’’ in Paul Oliver, ed., Shelter and Society (New York: F.A. Praeger, 1969). 11. Moshe Saftie, ‘‘Joy in Mudville,’’ New York Review reminiscent of Books (December 11, 1975): 233; Too, M.H. Shaheen, ‘‘Hassan Fathy Architecture in behalf of the Poor,’’ International Journal for Mid East Studies 6, no. 4 (October 1975): pp. 511–14. 12. ‘‘Appropriate Invention,’’ p. 186. James Steele, Sustainable Architectonics, Principles, Paradigms, and Case Studies (New York: McGraw Hill, 1997). 13. Myriad recent reflections on Fathy recognize that anticolonial spirit. Diane Ghirardo is between those who connected Fathy’s anticolonial goo with his critique of modernism. Constrict her book, Architecture after Modernism, which identified Fathy’s book as one own up the four ‘‘most serious assaults broadcast the Modern Movement’’ (the other couple being Venturi’s Complexity and Contradiction, Rossi’s Architecture and the City, and Jacobs’ The Life and Death of Collective American Cities), Ghirardo also argued give it some thought Fathy’s book signaled ‘‘a pervasive power to Western Modernism and an regularly contentious confrontation with the colonial legacies in many nonwestern countries.’’ Diane Ghirardo, Architecture After Modernism (London: Thames person in charge Hudson, 1996), p. 13. 14. Fathy, ‘‘L’Illustre Architecte Egyptien,’’ Le Monde Islamique (February 1971): 1, 11; Jerry Jobbins, ‘‘Architect for the Arabs,’’ Near Feel one\'s way Business (March 1980): 7–10; I. Serageldin and El-Sadek, eds., The Arab City: Proceedings of a Symposium Held appearance Medina, Saudi Arabia in 1983 (Arlington, VA: Arab Urban Development Institute, 1992). 15. See, for example, Hassan Fathy, ‘‘Planning and Building in the Semite Tradition,’’ in Monroe Berger, ed., Rendering New Metropolis and the Arab Faux (New York: Octagon Books, 1974), pp. 210–29; Hassan Fathy Revisited: Postwar Discourses on Science, 38 Development, and Ormal Architecture Hassan Fathy, ‘‘Constancy, Transposition at an earlier time Change in the Arab City,’’ block out Carl Brown, ed., Madina to Metropolitan area (Princeton, NJ: Darwin Press, 1973), pp. 319–34. In reflecting on the solidly interpretations of Fathy’s work, Nasser Rabbat has recently argued that they congruent ‘‘the changing ideology of Egypt reject 1920s and 1930s Egyptianism, to Nasserist pan-Arabism in the 1960s, to Islamism in the 1980s.’’ ‘‘Hassan Fathy increase in intensity the Identity Debate,’’ p. 202. Alternative on the changing interpretations of Fathy’s work will be presented later bland this paper. 16. For a category of these works, see James Author, ‘‘The New Traditionalists,’’ Mimar 40 (September 1991): 40–47; Saleem Shahed, ‘‘Adbel Wahed El Wakil, Interpreter of a Life Tradition,’’ Arts and the Islamic Faux 1, no. 4 (Winter 1983–1984): 56–64; and Michele Vicat, Between Tradition distinguished Modernity: Eight Egyptian Architects (Cairo: English University of Cairo, 1992). 17. Look, for example, references to Fathy operate Charles Jencks, The Language of Post-Modern Architecture (New York: Rizzoli, 1984), holder. 94; and Charles Jencks and Karl Kropf, Theories and Manifestoes of Concurrent Architecture (New York: Academy Editions, 1997), pp. 170–71. 18. Doxiadis invited Fathy to Greece in 1956 to prepare in his firm as a professional. Letter from Doxiadis (September 14, 1956). 19. Author’s interviews with Nawal Hassan and Shahira Mehrez, 1999. 20. Scrutinize, for example, Constantinos Doxiadis, Architecture connect Transition (New York: Hutchinson of Author, 1963); and Constantinos Doxiadis, ‘‘Ekistics, Birth Key to Housing in Developing Areas,’’ in Report to the International Assembly for Building Research Studies and Memo (Rotterdam, the Netherlands: The Council, 1959). 21. Doxiadis Associates, ‘‘Iraq Housing Program,’’ Doxiadis Associates Newsletter September 5, 1959. Also, Doxiadis Associates, The Housing Information of Iraq (Baghdad: Government of Irak, Ministry of Development, 1959). 22. Line in Ekistics (May 1960): 335. 23. Hassan Fathy, ‘‘A Report on Lodgings for Greater Mussayib,’’ Doxiadis Associates Deed R-QA, October 10, 1957, pp. 1–47; quotation on 1. 24. ‘‘A Idea on Housing for Greater Mussayib,’’ pp. 1–47. 25. See Fathy’s report, ‘‘Experiments on Mud Bricks,’’ Doxiadis Associates Certificate R-GA, April 13, 1957. 26. Decency most extensive study of mud chestnut construction that Fathy had produced teacher to that point was his 1952 report to the Egyptian authorities: Hassan Fathy, Report on Egyptian Village Accommodation, Building Materials, and Methods of Artifact to Administrator, Technical Cooperation Administration, Agency of State (Cambridge, MA: Arthur Approximately, 1952). 27. ‘‘A Report on Lodgings for Greater Mussayib,’’ pp. 14, 16. 28. Ibid., quotation on 1; carveds figure from Greece are included in nobleness section titled, ‘‘Choice of Building Funds and Methods of Construction’’ (no pages). 29. Hassan Fathy’s sketch in ‘‘A Report on Housing for Greater Mussayib,’’ p. 13. 30. Ibid., p. 19. 31. Constantinos Doxiadis, Raumordnung im Griechischen Städtebau (Heidelberg: Kurt Vowinckel, 1937); arm Doxiadis, ‘‘The Ancient Greek City subject the City of the Present,’’ Architektoniki 108 (July–August 1964): pp. 46–59. 32. Doxiadis, ‘‘Plans for Village in Mussayib by Professor Fathy,’’ Internal Doxiadis Fellowship Memo, July 21, 1958, pp. 1–2; quotation on 1. 33. Ibid., illustration on 1. 39 PYLA 34. Doxiadis Associates, ‘‘A Regional Development Program all for Greater Mussayib, Iraq, 1958,’’ Ekistics 6, no. 36 (October 1958): 149–86; high-mindedness requirement of the courtyard on 169; Fathy’s drawings on 180. 35. Doxiadis, ‘‘Pakistan Diary 20,’’ 1954. See besides ‘‘A Regional Development Program for Higher quality Mussayib, Iraq, 1958,’’ p. 169, text 38. 36. For Fathy’s dismissal have a hold over the ‘‘peasant manner’’ of Nubian fittings, see L’Architecture D’ Aujourd’hui (February 1978): 43–84, quotation on 84. Note digress even the initial photographs of Newfound Gourna (taken by Alexandrine Dimitris Papademos under the direction of Fathy) highlighted this modern aesthetic. See Panayiota Pyla, ‘‘Photographing Tradition: Papademos’ Work in Egypt’’ [in Greek], Kathimerini (October 14, 2001): 13–15. 37. For an extensive psychiatry of the gender biases in Fathy’s courtyard houses, see Asia Chowdhury, ‘‘The Persistent Metaphor: Gender in the Representations of the Cairene House by Prince W. Lane and Hassan Fathy,’’ Surrender Masters Thesis, June 1993. 38. Fathy describes the significance of courtyards refuse public fountains to women in Architectonics For the Poor, pp. 56–59, 99–101; quotation on 100. 39. ‘‘A Community Development Program for Greater Mussayib, Irak, 1958’’; quotation on 168, paragraph 37e. 40. Fathy, Deimezis, Kyriou, and Marinos, ‘‘Thermal Comfort,’’ Doxiadis Associates Documents R-GA 108, April 15, 1958, pp. 1–17; quotation on 1. 41. Fathy, ‘‘Climate and Architecture, Course Outline, 1959–60,’’ pp. 5–6, quotation on 5. 42. Ibid. 43. ‘‘Thermal Comfort,’’ quotation on 1. 44. For a recent critique foothold Modernization Theory and its legacy, perceive Nils Gilman, Mandarins of the Tomorrow's (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Seem, 2003), which presents a much mega detailed analysis of this theory prevail over the space of this paper allows. 45. For a discussion of labored of the connections between Doxiadis elitist Modernization Theory, see Panayiota Pyla, ‘‘Global Visions, Local Knowledge, and the Start of Model Communities: The Centrality invoke the Postcolonial World in the Historiography of Modernism,’’ Proceedings of the Company of Collegiate Schools of Architecture Congress (Washington, DC: ACSA, 2003), pp. 253–58. 46. ‘‘Thermal Comfort,’’ pp. 1–17. 47. Fathy, untitled 5-page ‘‘Draft’’ with tables on ‘‘Mental fatigue scale,’’ ‘‘Thermal due sensation scales’’ etc. Also: Fathy, ignoble 2-page memorandum regarding the ‘‘psychological aspects of life in a warm climate;’’ quotation on 1. 48. His process listed the various possible microclimatic strings around buildings—e.g., air temperatures at unlike times of the day, at dissimilar parts of Iraq. See, for living example, Fathy and Marinos, ‘‘Applications of Gist on Thermal Comfort,’’ May 2, 1958, pp. 1–6; and Fathy, ‘‘Heat Protection,’’ Doxiadis Associates Documents R-GAH 305, Apr 19, 1958, pp. 1–5. 49. Convey an example of Ekistics’ comprehensive models, see Jaqueline Tyrwhitt, ‘‘The Ekistic Grid,’’ Architectural Association Journal 87 (September–October 1965): 10–15. 50. Fathy, ‘‘Course Outline, Feeling and Architecture (1959–60).’’ 51. Seeing original communities as part of nature standing distinct from civilization is not out of the ordinary to modernization theory; it is top-hole central themes in many nature—culture divisions. See William Cronon, ed., Uncommon Eminence (New York: W.W. Norton, 1996). 52. Doxiadis, ‘‘Architecture in Evolution,’’ Royal Association of British Architects Journal 67 (September–October 1960): 3–22; quotation on 20. 53. Jaqueline Tyrwhitt, ed., The Ekistic Approach: Human Identity in Ecumenopolis, A Group of Readings for the Second Gathering Architecture Students, Harvard University (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University GSD, 1969), p. 14. 54. For a description of Doxiadis Associates’ final houses in Baghdad, study Pyla, ‘‘Global Visions, Local Knowledge, give orders to the Design of Model Communities,’’ pp. 253–58. 55. Fathy, ‘‘The Dwelling Basically the Urban Settlement,’’ COF Documents, Sedate 1961, p. 7. 56. Fathy, ‘‘Planning and Building in the Arab Tradition,’’ p. 218. 57. Ibid., quotation track 219. 58. Ibid. 59. Ibid., possessor. 216. 60. Ibid., pp. 217–18. ‘‘Because the sky is for the Moslem Arab at once the home be unable to find the holy and the most calming face of Nature, he naturally wants to bring it into his cut off dwelling . . . in waste countries men try to bring connect the serenity and holiness of ethics sky into the house, and inexactness the same time to shut empty the desert with its blinding, dyspneic sand and inhospitable demons. The whirl of doing this is the quadrangle . . .’’ 61. Fathy, ‘‘Aesthetics in the COF,’’ COF Documents, proprietor. 9, 2. 62. Fathy, ‘‘The Yield of the Future,’’ COF Documents, July 17, 1961, pp. 2, 10; Fathy, ‘‘COF—Contribution to the Final Report,’’ COF Documents, July 17, 1961. 63. Fathy, ‘‘Aesthetics in the COF,’’ p. 8; Fathy, ‘‘Exchange of Views on grandeur Research Project,’’ COF Documents, October 12, 1960, p. 2. 64. Fathy, ‘‘The Dwelling Within the Urban Settlement,’’ possessor. 16. ‘‘. . . very conspicuous from the confusing of inside distinguished outside that is often aimed unused architects today when they make walls of glass or include trees fairy story ponds in the living room . . .’’ 65. Fathy, ‘‘Aesthetics current the COF.’’ This is also situation Fathy’s view differed from Rudofsky’s who praised the vernacular to advocate dignity deprofessionalization of architecture. 66. Fathy, ‘‘Aesthetics in the COF.’’ Also, David Saint, ‘‘Heidegger’s Notion of Dwelling and Assault Concrete Interpretation as Indicated by Hassan Fathy’s Architecture for the Poor,’’ Geoscience and Man 24 (April 1984): 43–53. 67. Most notable perhaps in causing these debates are Aldo Rossi’s Goodness Architecture of the City (1966) stomach Robert Venturi’s Complexity and Contradiction shoulder Architecture (1966). 68. Ezra Ehrenhrantz contemporary Ogden Tanner, ‘‘The Remarkable Dr. Doxiadis,’’ Architectural Forum 114, no. 5 (May 1961): 112–16. 69. Fathy met Statesman himself at the conference on probity Arab Metropolis and began to scrutinize his return. [Author’s Interview with Nawal Hassan] 70. Examples of houses aim the urban elite include Fouad Riad (1967), Mehrez Apartment (1967), and Confine Rehan (1982). Regarding Fathy’s nationalist topmost religious interpretations, see also endnote 15 above. 71. Fathy, Natural Energy dispatch Vernacular Architecture: Principles and Examples respect Reference to Hot Arid Climates (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1986).